By Ziggy Mogopodi
For the past 40 years since independence from Britain in 1966, Botswana has been referred to as the "shining example" of democracy in Africa.
The country's economy was the fastest growing in the region, estimated at around six percent per annum.
However, in recent years, anxiety has been growing among its citizens that the country is heading for a dictatorship.
There is unease over the way the government conducts its business and that it no longer cares to consult the masses.
Those who hold a different view to that of the government, and make it public, are regarded as enemies.
Church leaders are afraid of making public comments for fear of being accused of being members of opposition parties.
A lecturer in Political Sciences at the University of Botswana, Prof Kenneth Good, was declared a prohibited Immigrant (PI) in February 2005.
He was accused of sympathising with opposition parties when he publicly commented on the country's system of automatic succession for the president and the forceful removal of a group of Basarwa San from the Central Kgalagadi Game Reserve (CKGR) in 2002.
The Basarwa resisted their relocation, and pleaded with the government to halt it. The government said it had consulted with the Basarwa.
Led by Roy Sesana, the Basarwa then took the government to the highest court in 2004 to challenge their removal from what they claim is their ancestral land.
During the three years of the court battle, Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and opposition parties kept on trying to convince the government to engage the Basarwa in a form of dialogue, but to no avail.
Towards the end of 2004 the Basarwa engaged the services of Survival International (SI) - an NGO fighting for the rights of minorities - to assist them with funds.
The campaign that SI adopted was to target the country's diamonds, which contribute more than
50 percent to the economy.
The organisation linked Botswana to "blood diamonds" and campaigned for countries to boycott them.
They also campaigned against De Beers Mining Company, urging the world to boycott the company's diamonds on the grounds that they funded human rights abuses in Botswana.
They argued that the removal of the Basarwa from the CKGR was to make way for diamond mining.
This was a serious threat to the country's economy and in response the government launched a media campaign against SI.
President Festus Mogae was also compelled to tour big diamond consuming countries such as the United States, Japan and several European states to clear the name of Botswana diamonds.
On December 13, 2006 three judges who were presiding over what was the longest case in the history of Botswana - Justice Maruping Dibotelo, Justice Unity Dow and Justice Mpaphi Phumaphi - ruled that the relocation of the Basarwa was unlawful and that they had a right to their ancestral land.
The court ruled that they were free to go back to the CKGR.
A few weeks later the government, through its Attorney General, announced that it would not appeal against the judgment, but ruled that only those who were applicants in the case would be allowed to return to the CKGR. They would also not supply amenities to the Basarwa or grant them new hunting licences.
SI decided to continue with its campaign, saying that the government wilfully misinterpreted the court's findings.
The government's handling of the matter reinforced the perception of its being a heavy-handed regime.
Then in November 2006, the government presented an Intelligence and Security Services Bill to parliament for the establishment of an organisation to deal with issues of national security.
The government contended that leaving intelligence gathering to the police was not sufficient.
The Bill was received with mixed reactions by parliament in both the ruling party and the opposition. Most MPs endorsed the principle, but they were worried that there was no oversight institution that would check abuses of the organisation by those in power. They proposed certain amendments.
Minister of Justice, Defence and Security Phandu Skelemani promised to address their concerns.
He toured the country to meet with civil organisations who raised similar concerns to those of the MPs, which again the minister promised to look into.
On March 26 this year the minister presented the Bill for a second reading in parliament without any amendments.
In a very unusual turn of events, there were fewer ordinary MPs in the House than members of the executive.
An MP tabled a motion requesting that the Bill be committed to a parliamentary committee.
But in the absence of 17 MPs due to official commitments, the cabinet outnumbered those opposing the Bill and was able to win the vote.
The Bill is expected to go for a 3rd reading in July.
But the manner in which it was sneaked past, alarmed MPs and NGOs, who vowed to fight for amendments to the Bill.
This caused a rift between backbench MPs and the executive, which has degenerated into mudslinging in the media.
MPs from both the ruling party and opposition strongly feel that the country should change its electoral system - First Past The Post - to one of proportional representation.
Mogae dismissed the criticism, saying that the current electoral system was "working well for Botswana".
Meanwhile, on March 23 the government announced its intention to target 17 individuals from the United Kingdom, the United States, Australia and Canada.
The academics, human rights activists and journalists, all critics of aspects of Botswana government and policies, are now required to produce a visa to enter Botswana.
Spokesperson for Botswana National Front Moeti Mohwasa described the recent pattern of events as evidence that Botswana's democracy was at risk. "It is evident that Botswana is losing its position as the shining example of democracy." -
Independent Foreign Service